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FG names Mamu, Simon Ekpa, 46 others as terrorism financiers

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The Federal Government has placed negotiator, Tukur Mamu, and 47 other individuals and entities on its sanctions list over alleged involvement in terrorism financing and related activities.

Among those named is Abdulsamat Ohida, described as a senior commander of the Islamic State of West Africa Province in Okene.

In an updated list published on the sanctions committee’s website on Saturday, the government linked him to the June 5, 2022 attack on St. Francis Catholic Church in Owo, Ondo State, and the July 5, 2022 assault on the Kuje Correctional Centre in Abuja.

Also listed is Mohammed Sani, said to be a member of the Ansarul Muslimina Fi Biladissudam (ANSARU), a group associated with Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb.

According to the government, Sani was trained under Muktar Belmokhtar, also known as “One Eyed,” and specialised in designing clandestine communication codes and improvised explosive devices.

He was further described as a courier and travel guide for AQIM operatives in Algeria and Mali, and was reported to have escaped during the Kuje prison break in July 2022.

Abdurrahman Abdurrahman, another senior ISWAP commander in Okene, was also named.

“The group emerged in 2012 as the North-Central wing of Boko Haram and later re-aligned with ISWAP after the death of its leader in 2016.

“The group has been linked to attacks around the Federal Capital Territory and the South-West, including the Owo church attack, ” the post added.

Fatima Ishaq was listed as a financial courier to ISWAP Okene, allegedly responsible for disbursing funds to widows and families of fighters.

The government further accused Mamu of participating in terrorism financing by receiving and delivering ransom payments exceeding $200,000 to ISWAP terrorists for the release of hostages from the Abuja-Kaduna train attack.

“Participated in the financing of terrorism by receiving and delivering Ransome payments over the sum of $200,000 US dollars in support of ISWAP terrorists for the release of hostages of the Abuja-Kaduna train attack, ” It said.

Yusuf Ghazali was also named for allegedly transferring N20 million in 2015 to Surajo Abubakar Muhammad and N40 million to Ibrahim Ali Alhassan, both identified as convicts.

Authorities said Abubakar Adamu, also known as Yellow, received N189 million from Ghazali between 2016 and 2018 and had financial links with the group’s leader, Alhaji Saidu Ahmed.

Ghazali was further accused of owning entities referenced in a UAE court judgment as facilitating the transfer of terrorist funds from Dubai to Nigeria.

Usama Muhammad was listed as a major contact in Zamfara State, allegedly receiving N57 million from Yawale Muhammad between 2014 and 2017 and maintaining transactions with Surajo Abubakar Muhammad and Saidu Ahmed.

Other individuals on the sanctions list include Abubakar Muhammad, Allamudeen Hassan, Adamu Ishak, Hassana Isah, Abdulkareem Musa, Umar Abdullahi, Abdurrahman Ado, Bashir Yusuf, Ibrahim Alhassan, Muhammad Isah, Salihu Adamu, Surajo Mohammad, Fannami Bukar, Muhammed Musa, Sahabi Ismail, Mohammed Buba, Adamu Hassan, Hassan Mohammed, Usman Abubakar, Kubara Salawu, Rabiu Suleiman, Simon Njoku, Godstime Iyare, Francis Mmaduabuchi, John Onwumere, Chukwuka Eze, Edwin Chukwuedo, Chiwendu Owoh, Ginika Orji, Awo Uchechukwu, Mercy Ali, Ohagwu Juliana, Eze Okpoto, Nwaobi Chimezie and Ogumu Kewe.

Entities listed include Jama’atu Wal-Jihad, Ansarul Sudan (ANSARU), Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP), Indigenous Biafra (IPOB), Yan Group and Yan Group NLBDG.

Background checks showed that in May 2025, the Nigeria Sanctions Committee had earlier designated 17 individuals and organisations over alleged terrorism financing.

Those previously named included Simon Ekpa, Godstime Promise Iyare, Francis Mmaduabuchi, John Onwumere, Chukwuka Eze, Edwin Chukwuedo, Chinwendu Owoh, Ginika Orji, Awo Uchechukwu and Mercy Ebere Ifeoma Ali.

Others in the earlier list were Ohagwu Juliana, Eze Okpoto, Nwaobi Chimezie, Ogumu Kewe, Igwe Ka Ala Enterprises, Seficuvi Global Company and Lakurawa Group.

Fintiri reaffirms commitment to traditional institutions in Adamawa

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Governor Ahmadu Umaru Fintiri of Adamawa state, has reaffirmed his administration’s commitment to strengthening traditional institutions across the state.

The governor made the remarks on Saturday at the 2026 Michika Annual Cultural Festival and the first anniversary celebration of the Mbege Ka Michika, Professor Bulus Luka Gadiga, held at the Government Secondary School playground in Michika.

Describing culture as a vital instrument for preserving the history, identity, and values of any society, Fintiri said the creation of the Michika Chiefdom reflects the state government’s determination to empower traditional institutions as custodians of peace, unity, and cultural heritage.

He noted that newly established traditional rulers in the state have continued to demonstrate commendable conduct, with no recorded cases of misconduct so far.

The governor urged residents of Michika to continue supporting their traditional leadership in order to deepen unity, mutual understanding, and peaceful coexistence.

He also assured the community of government plans to improve security and reconnect the area to the national grid to boost socio-economic development.

In his remarks, the Chairman of the occasion and Chairman of the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency, Brigadier General Buba Marwa, described culture as the soul of any people, stressing the importance of preserving traditional values to accelerate development.

Marwa called for renewed community cooperation, recalling the strong unity that once defined the area and urging its revival to promote progress. He commended Governor Fintiri for ongoing developmental projects in Michika, particularly in road infrastructure and electricity supply, while appealing for more democratic dividends for the people.

Also speaking, the Mbege Ka Michika, Professor Bulus Luka Gadiga, expressed appreciation to the governor for the creation of the Michika Chiefdom and other traditional institutions across the state.

He pledged the full support of the traditional institution to the administration’s development agenda.

Gadiga noted that recent infrastructural progress in Michika has been significant, adding that his leadership would continue to promote unity, peace, and mutual understanding among residents.

He also announced the conferment of the traditional title “Lakeka Michika” on governor Fintiri, meaning “Sword for Peace,” in recognition of his efforts toward sustaining peace and security in the area.

He further cautioned residents against indiscriminate tree felling, warning of the dangers of deforestation and environmental degradation. He also disclosed plans by the chiefdom to support education through scholarships to universities and youth empowerment initiatives focused on skills acquisition.

In a vote of thanks, the Chairman of Michika Local Government Area, Dan Biyu P. Tumba, described Governor Fintiri as a beacon of hope for the people of the state.

Deputy Speaker Kalu bags PhD in Laws at UNICAL’s 38th convocation

The Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, Benjamin Okezie Kalu, has been awarded a Doctor of Laws (PhD) by the University of Calabar at its 38th convocation ceremony.

Kalu’s doctoral research was also recognised as one of the most outstanding, earning a place at the institution’s Achievement Exhibition on Contribution to Knowledge.

Speaking today at the convocation ground while delivering the vote of thanks on behalf of the PhD graduating class, the Deputy Speaker described the doctoral journey as “demanding, humbling and transformative,” noting that the process required resilience, discipline and intellectual commitment.

Quoting the ancient Greek philosopher Aristotle, Kalu said, “The roots of education are bitter, but the fruit is sweet,” stressing that the sacrifices behind every thesisf, rom sleepless nights to intense academic struggles, underscore the value of the achievement.

He described the honour as deeply personal, recalling that the University of Calabar had shaped his academic trajectory, having earlier obtained his LL.B and LL.M degrees from the same institution.

Kalu emphasised that a PhD should not be seen merely as a title, but as a call to responsibility, urging fellow graduands to ensure their research contributes meaningfully to societal development.

Citing former South African President Nelson Mandela, he noted that “education is the most powerful weapon which you can use to change the world.”

The lawmaker referenced data from the National Bureau of Statistics indicating that fewer than 100,000 Nigerians hold doctoral degrees in a population exceeding 220 million, describing PhD holders as a “narrow community” bound not just by privilege but by responsibility.

According to him, this reality places a burden of intellectual leadership on doctorate holders to drive innovation and national development.

Highlighting his legislative interventions, Kalu reiterated his commitment to expanding access to education through the establishment of institutions such as the Federal College of Education, Bende; the Federal University of Medical and Health Sciences, Item Bende; and the Federal University, Okigwe.

He said the institutions were conceived as long-term investments in Nigeria’s intellectual and human capital development, rather than mere political accomplishments.

Kalu urged fellow PhD holders to serve as agents of transformation by bridging the gap between academic research and real-world solutions.

He also expressed appreciation to the university’s Governing Council, Senate, academic staff and supervisors for recognising his research as one of the most outstanding contributions to knowledge.

Wike-backed PDP regains control of Wadata Plaza

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The Nyesom Wike backed Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has announced the reopening of its National Secretariat, Wadata Plaza, Zone 5, Abuja, alongside Legacy House in Maitama, following their unsealing by the Nigeria Police Force in compliance with court orders.

In a statement issued on Saturday by its national publicity secretary, Jungudo Haruna Mohammed, the party said the facilities were formally handed over to its National Chairman, Hon. Abdulrahman Mohammed Takushara, and the National Secretary, Senator Samuel Anyawu, marking what it described as a significant step towards restoring stability within its ranks.

The PDP commended the Police for what it termed professionalism and adherence to the rule of law, noting that the action underscored respect for constitutional order and due process.

The development comes amid recent internal challenges that had affected access to the party’s national headquarters. With the unsealing, the party expressed confidence that such issues had been effectively resolved.

However, the PDP cautioned against any actions capable of disrupting activities at the secretariat, warning that it would not tolerate any form of obstruction or breach of peace. It added that security agencies had been placed on alert to deal with any violators.

Calling for reconciliation, the party urged aggrieved members to sheath their swords and embrace unity in the overall interest of the organisation.

“The positive development reassures members that the recent challenges confronting the Party have been effectively resolved,” the statement read, while appealing for collective commitment to rebuilding internal cohesion.

The party also acknowledged the support of its leaders and stakeholders during the period, with particular reference to the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, whose role it described as invaluable.

Reaffirming its commitment to its vision, the PDP said it was poised to move forward stronger and more united.

Outclassed and Outplayed: How Olatunde Ayeni Lost Both Mistress, Adaobi Alagwu, lovechild, to Rising Lawmaker

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l Winner takes all: Hon. Amadi Amarachi strips billionaire lawyer of pride, love, reputation

l A high-stakes saga of denial, desire, elite rivalry

In the end, it was not the scandal alone that undid Olatunde Ayeni, but the spectacle of reversal that followed it. A man who once moved with the undeniable assurance of influence now finds himself cast in a narrative he no longer controls, one in which the woman he rejected and the lovechild he publicly disowned have been claimed, without hesitation, by a younger and fast-rising political figure.

The optics are stern: Ayeni did not merely lose a private battle; he appears to have forfeited the very symbols of it—his former lover, Adaobi Alagwu, and the daughter widely said to mirror his likeness—now firmly established within the household of Hon. Amadi Akarachi.

The sequence of events has unfolded with a precision that makes the outcome feel less like coincidence and more like a carefully staged inversion of power. Where Ayeni once asserted distance through legal denial and public disengagement, Akarachi has stepped forward with conspicuous acceptance, marrying Alagwu in a high-profile ceremony and embracing the child as his own.

The contrast has not been lost on observers. In a culture where acknowledgment carries moral and symbolic weight, the transition from rejection to adoption has recast the narrative entirely, leaving Ayeni not just outside the frame, but defined by his absence from it.

In the months leading up to that carefully choreographed turning point, Adaobi’s trajectory had already begun to shift, shaped as much by exhaustion as by resolve. Her eventual remarriage did not emerge in a vacuum; it followed what those familiar with the dispute describe as a prolonged period of legal pressure, repeated summons, and deeply personal strain tied to the paternity controversy that had consumed public attention for nearly two years. Throughout that period, Ayeni maintained a position of firm denial, contesting claims and pursuing his case through formal channels, a strategy that, while legally permissible, carried reputational consequences in a culture that places a premium on acknowledgment and responsibility. It was within this atmosphere of contestation that Adaobi’s Plan B quietly took form, culminating in her union with Hon. Amadi Akarachi—a figure younger than Ayeni, and notably younger than Adaobi herself, whose emergence in her life has since been interpreted as both emotional refuge and strategic realignment.

The wedding, when it came, was neither subdued nor ambiguous in its messaging. Held on April 4, 2026, same date as Ayeni’s birthday (April 4), it was attended by a cross-section of Nigeria’s political and social elite, including Imo State Governor Hope Uzodinma and his wife, Chioma Uzodinma, alongside an array of high-profile guests whose presence underscored the significance of the occasion. Adaobi herself commanded attention throughout the ceremony, appearing in multiple carefully curated ensembles that reinforced the sense of reinvention at the heart of the event. Yet beyond its visual opulence, the date itself invited a deeper reading. Observers were quick to note its coincidence with Ayeni’s birthday, a convergence that has since been interpreted in some quarters as symbolically loaded, a private milestone transformed into a public counterpoint, marking, each year, two sharply divergent realities: one of renewal and consolidation, the other of reflection on a chapter that has closed with conspicuous finality.

For Adaobi, the transition appears to signal closure, a decisive break from a period defined by uncertainty and public scrutiny. Accounts from individuals familiar with the relationship suggest that Adaobi’s time with Ayeni was, at various points, marked by strain that extended beyond the emotional into allegations of physical mistreatment. Those accounts describe a pattern of volatility in which periods of intimacy were punctuated by episodes of violence and physical abuse, leaving her to navigate a relationship defined as much by instability as by attachment. Within that atmosphere, her eventual withdrawal has been interpreted by some observers as the culmination of a long, internal reckoning, a gradual recognition that whatever promise the relationship once held had been overtaken by circumstances that made endurance increasingly untenable.

While Adaobi has apparently moved on, Ayeni, persists in misdemeanour as a serial liar and womaniser. So mired is he in deception that he does not know where or how to draw the line and beat a retreat, even when he has by all accounts suffered irreedemable disgrace – as is the case between him and his estranged mistress, Adaobi.

The latter’s new husband has accepted her with the lovechild she had with Ayeni. The child, whose paternity Ayeni denied multiple times, has subsequently found acceptance and love with a much younger, more mature and dependable father figure. Big shame for Ayeni, considering the fact that while he publicly denied the child, he had always secretly sought out Adaobi, begging her never to deny him access to his daughter.

In two years, Adaobi has counted her losses and moved on, but Ayeni has stayed manipulative and deceptive, presenting a game-face while seeking out Adaobi and his look-alike daughter on his knees, like an unrepentant coward, says sources close to the estranged partners.

It is interesting to note that while he harasses Adaobi, he maintains interest in multiple women, young and old, as directed by his lust.

Several leaked voice messages attest to this; his leaked voice notes with several side-chicks has been making the rounds on Whatsapp, thus affirming the claims that he runs after anything in skirt. This has made him the laughing stock of Lagos and Abuja high-society.

Indeed, nothing travels faster than the scent of humiliation, especially when it clings to a man once thought untouchable. For months now, the name Ayeni has moved through high society circuits not with the old gravity of influence, but with the faint, persistent echo of something else: a fall, not from power exactly, but from control. And in high society, that distinction is everything.

There was a time when Ayeni’s name carried the reassuring weight of permanence. He belonged to that vanishing class of men who understood the concept of influence in Nigeria: how to speak softly in rooms that mattered, how to accumulate power without appearing to chase it, how to construct a life so orderly that even indiscretions, if they occurred, were carefully buried beneath layers of discretion and denial. He was not merely successful; he was curated. A man whose public persona had been sanded smooth by years of careful living.

But reputations of that kind do not collapse in a single moment. They unravel. They loosen thread by thread until what remains is not the man himself, but the story people now prefer to tell about him.

That story, in Ayeni’s case, begins and ends with Adaobi Alagwu. To call what existed between them a relationship is to grant it a symmetry it never possessed. It was, by most accounts circulating within the elite grapevine, an arrangement shaped by imbalance: of age, power, and expectation. Ayeni, the older man, established, married, insulated by years of success. Alagwu, younger, ambitious, navigating the slippery terrain where access, aspiration, and survival often blur into one.

For a while, the arrangement held, as such arrangements often do, sustained by the quiet complicity of those who benefit from silence. But silence, in modern Nigeria, is no longer a reliable accomplice. The new generation does not merely live; it documents. Screenshots have replaced secrecy, and discretion has become a relic of a slower age.

When the first cracks appeared, they did so not as a scandal, but as murmurs. Then came the escalation: accusations, denials, counter-narratives, and finally, the act that would define Ayeni’s public undoing, a formal disavowal so cold and absolute, that even those accustomed to the brutal pragmatism of elite men found themselves pausing.

He denied her. He denied the child. He denied the entire architecture of the private life he had constructed outside his official one. In a sworn affidavit, no less. In another era, that might have been the end of it. The machinery of influence would have moved in quietly to contain the damage.

But this was not another era. What followed was not containment but combustion. The story refused to die. It mutated and grew teeth. Leaked messages surfaced, each more unflattering than the last, painting a portrait not of a commanding patriarch but of a man entangled—emotionally, physically, even pitifully—in a relationship he would later pretend never mattered. There were allegations of insults traded in private, of indignities too intimate to bear repetition, of a connection that oscillated wildly between dependency and disdain.

In the brutal trajectory of public perception, none of this favored Ayeni. The more he attempted to distance himself, the more the story clung to him, like a stubborn stain that no amount of denial could wash away.

Yet even that was not the final blow. The final blow came in the form of Hon. Amadi Akarachi. If Ayeni represented the old order—measured, discreet, increasingly out of step with the times—Akarachi embodied something else entirely: the new elite, younger, politically agile, unburdened by the need to pretend that personal life and public image exist in separate compartments. He is the kind of figure who does not inherit relevance; he seizes it, shapes it, and, when necessary, weaponizes it.

Their collision was not announced. It revealed itself gradually, first as rumor, then as certainty. Alagwu, once the epicenter of Ayeni’s private chaos, had moved on. Not quietly, not ambiguously, but decisively, and, to many observers, strategically.

She had chosen Akarachi. And then came the detail that turned society gossip into full-blown spectacle: Akarachi did not merely marry Alagwu. He embraced her child, and adopted her without hesitation.

The symbolism was devastating. A younger man stepping into a story defined by an older one and walking away with everything the latter had rejected—woman, child, narrative, and, perhaps most painfully, moral high ground.

For Ayeni, the optics were brutal. Here was a man who had once commanded respect, now cast—fairly or unfairly—as the architect of his own humiliation. A man who had denied, disowned, and distanced himself, only to watch another step in and claim what he had cast aside, transforming it into a badge of honor rather than a source of shame.

Among Abuja’s sharp-tongued observers, the commentary has been merciless. They speak of ego, miscalculation, and a seasoned player who underestimated both the woman he sought to manage and the era in which he operated. They note, with a mixture of fascination and cruelty, the generational shift embodied in the outcome: the older man clinging to secrecy, the younger one thriving in visibility.

And always, beneath the surface, there is that unspoken question: did Ayeni misjudge the moment, or did he simply fail to understand that the rules had changed?

Those who know him, or claim to, suggest that the deeper wound is not public embarrassment, but private regret. Not necessarily for the relationship itself, but for the way it ended. For the choices made in haste, in pride, in fear of exposure.

Because in high society, loss is not measured only by what is taken, but by what is seen to be taken.

And what has been taken from Ayeni, in the eyes of many, is not merely a woman or a child, but control of his own story.

There is, of course, another layer to this unfolding drama, one that extends beyond the personal into the political. Akarachi’s rising profile has not gone unnoticed. Within certain circles, his name is already being whispered in connection with future ambitions—larger offices, broader influence, the kind of ascent that requires not just political backing but narrative coherence.

In that context, his marriage to Alagwu is being read not simply as a romantic decision, but as a consolidation of image: a man unafraid to stand publicly where others have retreated, to embrace complexity rather than deny it.

Whether that interpretation is accurate or convenient hardly matters. In politics, perception is often indistinguishable from truth. And for Ayeni, that makes the contrast all the more painful. Because where Akarachi appears to be ascending—buoyed by a narrative of decisiveness and acceptance—Ayeni is perceived, rightly or wrongly, as receding, his story defined less by his achievements than by a scandal he could neither contain nor outlive.

It is tempting, in telling this story, to reduce it to its most sensational elements: the affair, the denial, the marriage, the child. But to do so would be to miss its deeper significance.

What we are witnessing is not merely a personal drama, but a cultural shift. The old rules—discretion, denial, quiet settlements—are losing their power. In their place, a new logic is emerging, one that rewards visibility, punishes hesitation, and transforms private missteps into public spectacles with lasting consequences.

Ayeni’s tragedy, if it can be called that, lies not in the scandal itself, but in his inability to adapt to that new logic. He played by rules that no longer applied, and in doing so, surrendered the advantage to those who understood the game had changed.

There is a cruel irony in all this. For years, men like Ayeni operated with the quiet confidence that their status insulated them from the full consequences of their choices. They believed, not entirely without reason, that influence could manage fallout, that power could contain embarrassment.

What this episode reveals is that such confidence is increasingly misplaced. The distance between private action and public consequence has collapsed. The walls that once separated the two have been breached, not by rivals or institutions, but by the relentless, democratizing force of information.

Nothing stays hidden. Nothing stays contained. And once a narrative takes hold, it develops a life of its own.

For Ayeni, that narrative is now fixed, at least for the foreseeable future. He is no longer simply the accomplished lawyer, the respected figure, the man of quiet influence. He is, in the collective imagination, something more complicated, more fragile: a man who lost control of his private world and, in doing so, allowed it to redefine his public one.

As for Alagwu, she has emerged from the storm not unscathed, but repositioned. Her story, once framed in terms of greed, dependency and controversy, is now being rewritten through the lens of reinvention. Whether that reinvention will endure is another question entirely.

And Akarachi? He stands, for now, as the unexpected beneficiary of a drama he did not start but has undeniably shaped. Younger, bolder, attuned to the currents of a changing society, he represents a different kind of power, one less concerned with hiding complexity than with mastering it.

In the end, the lesson here is neither moral nor sentimental. It is structural. Power, in Nigeria’s evolving elite landscape, is no longer defined solely by what a man has, but by how well he manages what he cannot hide.

And in that unforgiving calculus, Olatunde Ayeni, once a master of the old order, has found himself outplayed, outpaced, and, most painfully of all, outnarrated.

Ghost towns of Kwara: How banditry emptied thriving communities

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Once bubbling with life and sustained by farming, several communities across Kwara have now fallen silent, emptied by relentless attacks, kidnappings and fear. In this gripping feature, DARE AKOGUN traces the human cost of insecurity as residents recount how they fled their ancestral homes, the harsh realities of displacement, and the uncertainty surrounding their return

In the early hours of a December morning, the silence in Motokun village is unnerving. There is no laughter of children racing to school, no rhythmic pounding of yams in compound kitchens, no early chatter of farmers heading to the fields.

Once a thriving agrarian settlement in Patigi Local Government Area of Kwara State, Motokun today is a ghost of itself, one among several communities emptied by the creeping wave of insecurity tightening its grip on Kwara’s rural belt.

Across Kwara North and parts of Kwara South, villages that once thrummed with life have been deserted, their residents fleeing attacks by suspected bandits and armed groups

What were once clusters of vibrant farming communities are now quiet, fractured landscapes, haunted not by spirits but by fear.

Motokun is not alone. In Lata Nna, also in Patigi, homes sit with doors ajar, cooking pots abandoned on stoves, as though residents had stepped out briefly and never returned.

In Gada village in Edu Local Government Area, farmlands that once yielded yams, maize, and cassava now lie fallow, overtaken by weeds.

Partially deserted communities such as Ndanaku, Essanti, Kokodo, and Lata Woro tell a similar story, a gradual exodus of families in waves, until only a handful of elderly residents remain, clutching memories and an enduring, fragile hope.

For decades, these communities formed the backbone of Kwara’s food system. Farming was not just an occupation; it was a way of life. Men tilled the land from dawn till dusk, while women processed produce and traded in local markets. Children walked miles to attend school, their futures rooted in the soil their parents cultivated.

Today, those same farmlands have become danger zones.

Saturday PUNCH estimates, based on community data, show that at least 20,000 people have been displaced since April 2024. Many now live in Ilorin with relatives, in unfinished buildings, or in overcrowded rented rooms, while others have found refuge in Minna, Niger State, and Lagos.

“We used to harvest more than 50 bags of yams every season,” recalled 52-year-old farmer Musa Sanni, now displaced in Minna. “But now, nobody can even go near the farm. If you try, you may not come back.”

Sanni, who fled with his eight children and two wives in the dead of night, left practically everything behind, unsure of what the future held.

“I am doing menial jobs helping people clear farm lands, and sometimes I ride a commercial motorcycle to fend for myself and my family, hoping to gather enough money to start a small business,” he said.

‘We ran for our lives’

For many residents, the exodus was sudden and violent.

Aisha Abdullahi, a mother of four now living in Ilorin, recounted fleeing Motokun after repeated attacks.

“They came at night, shooting. We didn’t even carry anything. We just ran. We left our house, our food, everything. Up till now, I don’t know what has happened to our home. My children ask when we’re going home, but there’s no home anymore,” she said.

In Lagos, where he now works as a security guard, 34-year-old Mohammed Audu from Gada village described how fear slowly consumed his community.

“At first, it was rumours, people hearing gunshots in neighbouring villages. Then the attacks started coming closer. Kidnappings began. Before we knew it, people started leaving one by one. It got to a point where staying became more dangerous than leaving,” he said.

Another displaced resident, Zainab Mohammed from Lata Nna, now in Minna, said women and children bore the brunt of the attacks.

“We couldn’t sleep at night. Every sound made us jump. We were always afraid they would come. When they attacked a nearby village and kidnapped people, we knew it was time to go,” she said.

A slow collapse

The displacement did not happen overnight. It was a slow, creeping collapse, one that many residents believe could have been prevented.

The concern was highlighted on Sunday during the release of a communiqué in Lagos by a local forum.

Signed by its Convener, Obashola Ayomide Ridwan, the statement expressed deep concern about the alleged plan by armed herders to dominate communities in the region.

According to the forum, more than 20 communities in Kwara South have already been deserted due to repeated attacks and kidnappings, including the hometown of the Deputy Governor of Kwara State.

The group also revealed that the Baale of Alasoro was forced to abandon his community and relocate to Lagos following incessant attacks by armed groups.

The statement noted that the absence of meaningful development, industries, and government presence in the region has created fertile ground for banditry and organised crime.

The forum described the vast stretches of largely uninhabited land across parts of the senatorial district as a major security risk, allowing armed groups to study the terrain and operate freely.

“Underdevelopment with no sign of industries gives room for banditry in Kwara South. Everything is concentrated in the central areas. Our forests have been occupied by Fulani herders who pretended to be rearing cows; they have positioned themselves where our resources are located,” the communiqué read.

“From Oke-Ero to Babanla, Oreke, and Oro-Ago, more than 70 kilometres can be travelled without encountering a community. This gives the Fulani intimate knowledge of our region and allows them to position themselves in our forests and communities, from where they launch attacks, kill, and kidnap people,” the forum added.

It further lamented that thousands of residents have been forced to flee their ancestral lands due to repeated raids by suspected bandits, leaving behind farmlands, homes, and properties.

The group also criticised traditional rulers in the region, accusing some of failing to confront the growing security crisis.

According to the statement, the alleged silence of these authorities has emboldened criminal elements operating in the area.

“For peace to return to our region and to stop the killings and kidnappings, our traditional rulers must, by all means, find a way to halt the influx of Fulani in their communities and review the security situation in every market and town in Kwara South,” the group insisted.

The forum also highlighted the developmental imbalance in the state, noting that the concentration of projects in the central part of Kwara has left the southern region vulnerable to insecurity and economic stagnation.

“If there were massive development projects in Kwara South and stronger presence of government institutions, it would be difficult for terrorists to operate in our region,” the forum said.

It stressed that the establishment of industries, improved infrastructure, and stronger security architecture would stabilise the area and discourage criminal activity.

The group warned that unless urgent measures are taken to address both security challenges and developmental imbalance, the displacement of indigenous communities may worsen in the coming months.

They, therefore, urged the state government, security agencies, and traditional leaders to collaborate in restoring peace and ensuring that residents can safely return to their homes and farmlands.

Musa said he misses home and would go back immediately if peace were restored. “That is my home. That is where my life is.”

Zainab echoed the same sentiment. “We want to return, but who will protect us? We cannot go back to die,” she said.

For Audu, returning is no longer a certainty. “I don’t know if I can go back. Everything we built is gone. We have to start all over again,” he said.

The Kwara State Police Command insists progress is being made.

“We are working closely with the Army, DSS, and Office of the NSA,” said spokesperson SP Adetoun Ejire-Adeyemi. “Calm will be restored.”

The situation has raised serious concerns among stakeholders, who warn that continued displacement could have far-reaching consequences not only for Kwara but for the wider region.

With farming activities disrupted, food production is likely to decline, worsening inflation and economic hardship.

Social structures are also breaking down, as communities that once thrived together are scattered across cities.

The Kwara South Development Forum has called on the state government, security agencies, and traditional leaders to act urgently, stressing that both security and development must go hand in hand.

“We need more than promises,” the group said. “We need action, security presence, infrastructure, and investment in our communities.”

As Kwara grapples with the growing challenge of insecurity, the fate of its ghost towns hangs in the balance, waiting for a return that may not come unless decisive action is taken.

Until then, the wind will continue to blow through empty homes, carrying with it the echoes of communities that once lived, worked, and thrived.

Bayern Munich break Bundesliga goal record

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FC Bayern Munich have rewritten Bundesliga history in spectacular fashion, smashing the league’s long-standing single-season scoring record with a relentless attacking campaign that has redefined dominance in German football.

The previous benchmark of 101 goals, set more than five decades ago by the legendary Bayern side inspired by Gerd Müller had stood as one of the most iconic records in European football.

For 53 years, nine months, two weeks and one day, it remained untouched. Until now.

Under the leadership of Vincent Kompany, Bayern have surged past that total, hitting 106 goals with five matches still left to play.

It is a feat that not only eclipses history but suggests the possibility of pushing the record to a level that may stand for generations.

As reported by Fabrizio Romano on X on Saturday, “FC Bayern beat Bundesliga goals scored record (101) by hitting 106 goals this season under Vincent Kompany. There are also 5 more games to go.”

This has been no ordinary title charge. Bayern’s approach this season has blended tactical discipline with attacking freedom, overwhelming opponents with pace, precision, and an unrelenting hunger for goals.

Week after week, they have dismantled defenses, turning routine fixtures into goal fests and raising the bar for offensive football in the Bundesliga.

Beyond the numbers, this achievement carries symbolic weight.

Breaking a record so closely tied to Müller and Bayern’s golden era connects past and present, bridging generations of excellence at one of Europe’s most storied clubs.

With five games still remaining, the question is no longer whether Bayern will set a new record, but how far they will push it. What was once thought untouchable has now been surpassed, and the 2025–26 season will be remembered as the campaign when Bayern Munich turned the extraordinary into the new standard.

ADC backs NBA, says courts lack jurisdiction over party disputes

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The African Democratic Congress has backed the position of the Nigerian Bar Association that courts lack jurisdiction over internal party matters, describing it as a validation of its stance in an ongoing leadership dispute.

The party, in a statement issued on Saturday by its National Publicity Secretary, Bolaji Abdullahi, said the NBA’s warning against abuse of court processes confirmed that legal actions challenging its leadership are defective.

“The NBA’s position is clear and unambiguous: courts have no jurisdiction over the internal affairs of political parties, and any attempt to secure interim or interlocutory orders in such matters is in direct violation of the Electoral Act,” the statement read.

The ADC said the development supports its earlier position that the dispute is not a legitimate legal matter but an attempt to manipulate the judicial process for political purposes.

“What we are witnessing is not a legitimate legal dispute. It is a coordinated effort to weaponize the judicial process for political ends — a strategy the NBA has rightly described as an abuse of court process,” the party stated.

The statement comes amid concerns raised by the NBA over increasing attempts to involve courts in intra-party disputes ahead of the 2027 general elections, despite provisions of the Electoral Act 2022 limiting such interventions.

The NBA, in a statement on Friday, had warned that courts should not entertain suits relating to internal party affairs, citing Section 83 of the Electoral Act, which restricts judicial interference and bars interim or interlocutory injunctions in such matters.

Reacting, the ADC urged the Independent National Electoral Commission to remain neutral and avoid actions that could legitimise what it described as unlawful judicial interference.

“INEC must remain a neutral arbiter, not a participant in political engineering,” the party said, warning that any orders obtained in violation of the law “are fundamentally defective and cannot stand.”

The party also alleged that some actors were attempting to exploit the courts to create confusion around its leadership, despite clear legal provisions.

“We commend the NBA for its courage in calling out these practices and for reaffirming that the rule of law must not be subordinated to political expediency,” it added.

The ADC further warned that continued disregard for legal provisions could undermine democratic institutions and processes in the country.

“Nigeria’s democracy cannot survive a system where laws are ignored, institutions are pressured, and judicial processes are manipulated to achieve predetermined political outcomes,” the statement said.

It maintained that it would pursue lawful means to defend its leadership and protect what it described as the integrity of the democratic process.

Turaki-led PDP slams police for unsealing national secretariat, promises legal action

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The Tanimu Turaki-led faction of the Peoples Democratic Party has condemned the Nigeria Police Force over the unsealing of the party’s national secretariat in Abuja, alleging partisan interference and violation of due process.

The Turaki-led National Working Committee, in a statement issued on Saturday by its National Publicity Secretary, Ini Ememobong, said it would take legal steps to contest the development.

The PDP has been embroiled in a lingering internal crisis that culminated in a breakdown of order at its National Headquarters, Wadata Plaza, Abuja, on November 18, when a faction of the National Working Committee led by Turaki SAN, and supported by Oyo State Governor Seyi Makinde and Bauchi State Governor Bala Mohammed, clashed with the rival Abdulrahman Mohammed-led faction aligned with the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike.

After months of legal tussles, the Court of Appeal, on March 9, ruled in favour of the Wike-backed camp, invalidating the November 16 Ibadan convention endorsed by the governors.

About five months later, the Mohammed-led PDP faction, aligned with Wike, announced on Saturday that the police had unsealed both the Wadata Plaza and Legacy House national offices of the party in Abuja.

The faction’s Publicity Secretary, Jungudo Mohammed, commended the Nigeria Police Force for what he described as professionalism and adherence to the rule of law, saying the action reflects respect for constitutional order and due process.

Reacting, the PDP faction described the development as highly shameful, accusing the police—who are constitutionally tasked with upholding the law—of acting in violation of it.

The statement read in part, “We are aware that the Nigeria Police Force has unsealed the national secretariat of our party and aided its takeover and occupation by the agents of the Federal Government and APC apologists, masquerading as PDP members, despite a pending appeal.

“It is on record that the judgment by Justice Abdulmalik that the police force is allegedly acting under has been appealed, and the police, as a party in that matter, is fully aware and has been served.

“By their action, they have tampered with the res and that can render the judgment of the Court of Appeal nugatory, when it is eventually given. It is most shameful that those entrusted with protecting the law are those disobeying the law.

“While it is not surprising that the Police is acting in a clearly partisan manner, we were hopeful that they would act differently under the command of the new Inspector General of Police.

“From the inception of this imbroglio, the officers of the police force have consistently acted in a manner that leaves no one in doubt as to their support for the Wike-backed APC apologists and have continued to double down on their partisan interventions.

“As law-abiding citizens, we admonish our members to continue to maintain peace and not undertake any activity capable of breaching public peace, while we promise to take all necessary steps within the ambit of the law to protect the rights and privileges of the genuine members of the Peoples Democratic Party.”

The PDP faction backed by the governors expressed confidence that the matter would soon be resolved in their favour.

t continued, “The public should be assured that we are hopeful that soon this dark cloud of state-sponsored persecution and one-party compulsory drive will end and true democratic experience will return, in the interest of preserving the republic.

“Though pains may tarry in the night, joy and liberation will certainly come in the morning. Let us therefore bear this night with the hope that surely the morning is en route.”

I Will Follow Examples Set By Former President, Late Umaru Yaradua – ‘President-Elect’ Tinubu

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Tinubu made the pledge on Friday on the occasion of the 13th anniversary of Yar’Adua’s death.

Nigerian “President-elect”, Bola Tinubu, has pledged to take after the footsteps of the former President, late Umar Musa Yar’Adua in his administration.

Tinubu made the pledge on Friday on the occasion of the 13th anniversary of Yar’Adua’s death.

Yar’Adua was Nigerian president, sworn in on May 29, 2007. He previously served as the governor of Katsina State from 1999 to 2007.

In 2009, he travelled overseas for series of medical treatments but died on May 5, 2010, paving way for Goodluck Jonathan, his Vice, to become president.

In a tribute to the late former President, Tinubu described him as a good friend that would never be forgotten.

Tinubu in his tribute titled “We’ll Never Forget You” hailed Yar’Adua’s contribution to Nigeria’s democracy’, said he was prepared to follow the example.

Tinubu was quoted as saying, “Today, as always, I remember my good friend and brother in the struggle for democracy and good governance in Nigeria, the late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, who died on this day 13 years ago.

“May 5, 2010, may have long gone, but for some of us, the wound is still fresh. We remember the day as much as we remember the purposeful life lived by Mallam Umaru Yar’Adua.

“As a friend and political associate I cherish the fond memories of honesty, steadfastness, patriotism and excellence in public service left behind by the late Yar’Adua both as governor of Katsina State (1999 to 2007) and president of Nigeria (2007 to 2010).

“As I prepare to take the reins of leadership of this country on May 29, I am determined to follow the good examples set by leaders like Mallam Umaru Yar’Adua who showcased exceptional sense of propriety and selfless service to our dear country.

“Rest on, dear brother. May your soul continue to find peace with your maker. Amen.”